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Forex point hyllie bade

forex point hyllie bade

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Many larger companies have recently relocated to new office space outside the inner city, often combining several existing offices and setting up new operations in the inner suburbs. In recent years the building of new office space in Stockholm has changed and is now focused on clusters outside central Stockholm. Many of these areas lie north of Stockholm with good communications to the inner city and to Arlanda Airport. Good infrastructure is important in judging a project, and recently started and ongoing infrastructural changes will have a great impact on the development of Stockholm.

The new Citybanan rail line will be finished in and will have a positive impact on the office market in the western areas of the CBD. The new line will increase passenger capacity through the inner city, with two new stations at T-Centralen and Odenplan. Today Stockholm is more or less divided into two areas, with a large proportion of offices located in the north.

This means that there is particularly large pressure on infrastructure in the south since the largest share of daily commuting is from the south to the north. There are a number of speculative office-development projects scheduled for completion in the next few years.

All these projects are fully or almost fully let before completion. The prevailing low vacancy level has in turn led to a number of new development and rebuilding projects in, or adjoining, the CBD. The project, called Urban Escape, will provide about 70, m2 of new or rebuilt office space when it is completed in , of which 30, m2 is already let to Spotify and Roschier. Klara C is fully let. The expected refurbishment vacancy at the end of is 5. Newsec expects the market rent to rise to SEK 5, per m2 by the end of Even levels above SEK 7, per m2 have been confirmed in solitary cases.

This is a result of the small supply of modernised office space in the CBD together with high demand. The rise in market rent is expected to continue into The commercial office market in Gothen- burg comprises an office stock totalling around 4. The inner city comprises a number of districts and covers a large geographical area. Its office stock totals around , m2.

The project includes a high tower of 22 storeys and will provide mainly offices but also retail stores and restaurants. Platzer and Skanska are currently working to prepare a zoning plan for building high-rise blocks providing a total gross area of about 60, m2.

The skyscraper will be metres high, making it the tallest building in the Nordic region. Apart from Karlatornet, the district will consist of a number of blocks with housing, offices, retailing and services. The project is planned to be completed around The vacancy rate in Gothenburg CBD has fallen during the year. It remains difficult to find modern premises over 1, m2 in the CBD and companies are therefore resorting to newly built premises elsewhere, which has had a positive effect on the inner city.

Newsec forecasts stable rent levels during , with an upward tendency. The rent level in Gothenburg CBD is continuing to increase. The market rent in the inner city is also continuing to rise. At the end of the past quarter the market rent was reported to be around SEK 2, per m2 with top figures around SEK 2, per m2.

The highest rents in the inner city are found in the newly built stock at Ullevi. Newsec expects that the rental market in Gothenburg will continue to be stable, since demand is expected to remain good. For Newsec expects the new building stock to total about 63, m2. This affects the older stock, which must constantly compete with the newly built, and Newsec has noted a number of conversions to apartments in older office buildings situated in good locations.

However, the vacancy rate is expected Retail trade has shown positive growth of 4. The increase is largely in durables, which have grown by 5. The strong growth rate of 5. Factors such as a stable labour market, low interest rates, low inflation and increased savings combined with an increasing population are all contributing to a continued good outlook for HUI forecasts that total household consumption will increase by 3. However, HUI does not believe the growth in retail trade will exceed that of , because of higher taxes and new mortgage amortisation requirements that will affect household spending.

There has been a decrease in the volume of retail transactions. In the next few years Sweden will experience a record population increase, and ongoing urbanisation will heavily affect demand in all the major cities. Up to there will be an average increase of , people a year. The growing population along with the rising trend towards e-commerce has led to fierce competition between different types of shopping destinations, which makes factors like location and quality of premises increasingly important in attracting both consumers and tenants.

In comparison, the growth figure for shopping centres in Sweden was a modest 1. Shopping centres have been increasing in size and their premises are being let at new top rents. Newly built and newly renovated shopping centres in the best regional locations outside Stockholm are now at the same level as top rents in Stockholm CBD, and more retail space is yet to come, not only in Stockholm.

Mall of Scandinavia in Solna, which opened in November , is the single largest retail establishment in Sweden. There has also been an increased interest in developing city centres. Since many new large establishments have been built outside city centres, numerous developers are now looking inwards at the possibility of developing the inner city to compete with the large retail centres. These days a good centre does not depend only on what it sells, but on the destination itself and the experience it offers, where good restaurants, cafes and service play an important part.

Contact: Jakob Pettersson, jakob. However, there are significant regional differences and a clear three-way split in the prices of housing in Norway. But central eastern Norway, and especially Oslo, has never experienced such strong price growth. Residential prices in Oslo rose on average by 1. The reasons for the explosive growth in prices are complex but can be explained mainly by historically low interest rates and by low residential construction in Oslo over many years.

Too little housing has been completed in relation to population growth. The supply of land approved for development is the bottleneck in the system, and developers are finding that the regulatory processes take too long. Politicians have initiated plans both to speed up regulatory approvals and also to simplify building requirements.

But these plans will take time to produce results and will not move the residential market in the desired direction in the short term. The historically low interest rates are undoubtedly another strong driver of the current price inflation, and explain why housing prices are rising so much faster than real wages.

Lower interest rates make it possible to raise more debt to enable the purchase of expensive housing. But this cannot continue forever. They alone would not be able to drive prices up in the future. NOK 2 billion, and a large residential portfolio in Trondheim. Rents also have a correlation with residential prices, and statistics for July show that it has never been more expensive to rent a small one-bedroom apartment in Oslo, which now costs on average NOK 11, per month.

This is further confirmation of the present housing shortage and the lack of adequate new building in relation to population growth. Residential projects in the Oslo area are also very attractive these days. The combination of low interest rates and the general imbalance between supply and demand is leading to record high sales of new-build residential properties and to rising prices. Assuming that interest rates remain at current levels and that there is no drastic increase in unemployment in Oslo and the surrounding area, it is therefore hard to see any arguments that prices will decline in the future.

The investment market After a relatively quiet first quarter, the market gained good momentum into the summer, with increasing liquidity and the banks clearly open for business. However there is a shortage of good projects, and those handled in the first half-year have consequently aroused a lot of interest.

In the first half-year the total transaction volume in Norway was about NOK 30 billion, spread over transactions. This represents about NOK 58, per m2 and a yield of 5. With a value of about NOK 2. Two other major projects on the market are the ICA portfolio, with a target price up to We feel that the market is willing to take more risk and pay more for projects now than in the same period last year, while the settlement structure favours the seller, with a larger percentage of settlement up-front.

The office market The uncertainty among tenants is continuing, and we find that negotiations are still long and complicated with tenants who have a strong focus on including options for area flexibility in their contracts. In summary, we are currently in a quiet period with long stalling processes and relatively few signed contracts.

The market has waited a long time for the more than 40 letting searches that came in during the second quarter. Several major searches came from the public-property agency Statsbygg, who were seeking everything from premises of m2 for the civil-defence organisation DSB up to 35, m2 for the labour and welfare administration NAV. The letting processes will be exciting to follow, not least in seeing whether the choice is for relocation or an extension of the present lease.

The Tax Authority has already decided to extend its lease at Schweigaardsgate 17—19 until Four contracts of 9, m2 or larger were signed. In general the central areas saw a strong increase in rents while the outer areas east, west and south of the city saw a decrease in rents. We are now looking forward to an autumn with a good level of activity. The vacancy rate for offices in Oslo is now 8. The vacancy rate is closely related to rent levels.

This effect will probably not be as big in more central locations such as the CBD and inner-city areas where the present vacancy is low. The retail market Shopping has changed dramatically in the past half-century. People used to buy their daily necessities from small local shops and went to department stores and specialist retailers in the city centre for major purchases and luxury items.

But the move to big grocery supermarkets, and the cheaper land outside the city centre, meant that shopping centres in suburban and out-of-town locations took over as the main retail arena for all functional items. Today, city-centre shopping hosts a different form of shopping which focuses equally on social aspects such as eating out, conversation and leisure activities. The old Aker Brygge shipyard has been converted into a lively seafront promenade with entertainment, dining and ground-floor retailing.

In the past year there has been a turnover growth of 5. The difficulty in obtaining significant real growth encourages tenants to renegotiate their rent and demand discounts. As in the two previous years, we have again carried out our analysis of changes in rent levels for the shopping centres we value.

Every year we conduct more than valuations of shopping centres, representing a total value of approximately NOK 75 billion. The arguments put forward can be summed up as follows: 1. The total absence of that concept where it would be expected, namely in non-christian skaldic poetry.

Neither the archaeological material nor the reports of late antiquity and medieval authors betray the idea of a personal commitment to a particular deity among Germanic peoples Maier A distinction is made between ethnic community religions like that of the ancient Scandinavians and the type of religion to which adherence is based on personal conviction, e. Christianity and the mystery cults of Late Antiquity. In what follows, I will draw attention to some texts and circumstances that speak in favour of such an origin.

Personal Religion in Skaldic Poetry First, there are undoubtly some poems from the late Viking period that express ideas of a personal relationship with a pagan deity. As we have seen, doubt was cast on its relevance for the issue of personal religion. The poem is not very well preserved and its interpretation varies among commentators.

Stanzas 22 to 24 describe the poet s relationship with the god. In my view, we have here to do with personal religion among non-christians Scandinavians. Admittedly, the interpretation of objects found in personal contexts, for example in graves, as symbols of a particular deity is uncertain without textual evidence. It is even more so when it comes to determining the character of the worship directed to that deity by the person involved. The community or the family of the deceased could have deposed grave gifts of a religious character to express common beliefs that would not necessarily have been shared by the buried person s.

A man named Bovi was apparently the owner of the amulet which he had carried in his life time. The inscription is difficult to interpret in parts. The central passage provides no difficulty, however. Here the hammer symbolizes the god s protective power and the invocation expresses Bovi s confidence in him. Photo: Ulrik Skans. Courtesy of the Swedish History Museum.

The poem appears to have been composed from oral tradition in which the poet found the epithet Freyr s friend, in all probability used in tenth-century Iceland to characterize worshippers of Freyr. Another key passage is found in an episode told in Clemens saga. Clement is accused of blasphemy against the pagan gods, and the text also enumerates which deities are exposed to the saint s derision.

The Latin Vorlage is here quoted first in order to elucidate the comparison with the Old Norse translation. Iovem dicit dominum non esse, Herculem consecratorem nostrum dicit immundum esse, Venerem, deam sanctam meretricem esse commemorat, Minervam sanctam deam blasphemat, Dianam ac Mercurium simul et Saturnum et Martem accusat, numina etiam universa blasphemat. Mombritius 1, [ He says that Juppiter is not lord.

He says that our god Hercules is unclean. He claims that our holy goddess Venus is a prostitute. He blasphemes against the holy goddess Minerva. He attacks Diana and Mercurius, as well as Saturnus and Mars, all the divinities at the same time. And he does this disgrace and dishonor to Odin who is always able to provide solutions and safety, that this Clement calls him a fiend and unclean spirit.

In the Old Norse version, these two Scandinavian deities stand out since statements are introduced that explain the way they benefit their worshippers. Clemens saga was in all probability composed in the late twelfth century cf. Conclusion The thirteenth-century saga literature provides several examples of personal religion in pre-christian Iceland and Norway. These texts cannot be used as primary witnesses to the individual beliefs and ritual behaviour of the persons involved.

Nonetheless, they reflect vague memories from the past, to which imaginary details have been added over time. Agat 2. AM a is here normalized. The Life of St. Clement of Rome Elucidarius in Old Norse translation Heimskringla 1 The Icelandic Homily Book. Perg in the Royal Library, Stockholm Larsson, Lund: Gleerups. Mombritius, B.

Sanctuarium seu Vitae sanctorum 1 2, Nova editio, Paris. Skjaldevers Carron, H. Clemens Saga. Clement of Rome, ed. Firchow, E. Ordbog over Det gamle norske sprog 1 3 [ Dictionary of the old Norse language 1 3 ], Kristiania. Halvorsen, E. Fjeld Holtsmark, A. Ljungberg, H. Eddas and Sagas. Iceland s Medieval Literature, transl. Kummer, B. Midgards Untergang. Klein Verlag. Maier, B. Die Religion der Germanen. Neckel, G. Nordal, S. Pereswetoff-Morath, S. Vikingatida runbleck.

Readings and interpretations ], Uppsala: Uppsala University. Poole, R. Religion und Mythologie der Germanen, Darmstadt: Wiss. Biezais Germanische und baltische Religion, Stuttgart: Kohlhammer. Nordisk hedendom. The Conversion of Iceland.

Altgermanische Religionsgeschichte 1 2, Berlin: W. Widengren, G. Castelli, Padova, pp Zernack, J. He has published extensively in the fields of Old Norse religion, Zoroastrianism, early Judaism and Hellenistic religions. The Hokkaido Ainu s world view, for example, is deeply connected with their way of life, backed by man nature relationships, and what this relationship symbolizes is always part of their rituals. The Ainu are known as one of the peoples, like the Sami, the Khanty, and the Nivkh, who perform a bear festival, although they deify the bear and refer to it using the term kamui [ deity or spirit ].

Moreover, the Ainu and the Nivkh perform the bear ceremony for a bear cub reared by them, although the meaning of the ceremonies differ between them. This paper aims to reveal the Ainu conception of the bear and bear ceremony, which enables them to hunt the deified bear, in terms of the Ainu bear ceremonial, their conception of kamui, and human-kamui relationships.

The study reveals that the Ainu logic for hunting the bear, or kamui, is encapsulated in an idea about the necessity of maintaining the complementary and reciprocal relationship between humans and the kamui and, as such, the bear ceremony is a symbolic representation of this relationship. As shown in the ethnography of the Hokkaido Ainu Yamada , their world view is deeply connected with their way of life and grounded in man nature relationships, which are always symbolized in their rituals.

Considering northern cultures, the pioneer work of Hallowell suggests that the ritual treatments of the bear, or the bear ceremonialism as he describes it, is one of the significant characteristics. As is revealed by Watanabe , the sending-off ceremonies for a variety of animals, including the caribou, the seal, and the whale, are commonly observed among northern hunting gathering peoples.

Moreover, considering the northern cultures in terms of the relationships between religion and ecology, Irimoto suggests two significant characteristics: first, the notion of reciprocity that exists between man and the game spirits, and, second, the original oneness of both sets of beings Irimoto It has been documented that the Sami, the Khanty, the Nivkh, and the Ainu perform a bear festival.

I even learned during my field trips among the Khanty in that they consider the bear to be a spiritual being. Although these peoples have traditionally performed some sort of bear festival, its meaning differs greatly among them. By comparing the bear ceremonial of the Sami and the Khanty, Rydving reveals that the focus is different between them: for the Sami the most important element was the feast and the burial, while the Khanty focus more on the festival and the entertainment Rydving Glavatskaya suggests that the Khanty bear festival, whose name means dancing a bear, seemed to be pure folk art and played an integral role within the extended family, clans, and community Glavatskaya In contrast, the bear festivals of the Nivkh and the Ainu are performed for the bear cub which was reared by them, although the meaning of the sending-off ritual for the bear cub differs greatly between them.

Among the Ainu sending-off rituals for animals, the bear ritual was one of the most important. Although it is suggested by Watanabe 26; 61 62 that bear ceremonialism in the north is best understood as an ecological-supernatural adaptation to the northern environment, not much has been revealed as to why the bear, which is a spirit or deity, is then hunted and how they justify the reasons for the hunt.

This paper is an attempt to reappraise the Ainu bear ceremony in terms of their reasoning behind the hunt of the deified bear. The Ainu bear ritual has been recorded by various explorers and researchers. It was so famous and attractive that it was performed in the presence of Emperor Meiji in the Shiraoi village in Mitsuoka However, little is discussed as to why the Ainu can hunt the bear even though it is a deity.

This paper aims to reveal the Ainu s conception, which enables them to hunt the deified bear. I will reappraise the Ainu bear rituals in terms of the Ainu s view of deities and the human deity relationships cf. Yamada ; Yamada Prehistoric remains show that Hokkaido has been populated since the Paleolithic period. In Hokkaido, the Paleolithic culture was followed by the Jomon culture, which spread throughout Japan and was then succeeded by the Satsumon culture, and finally by the Ainu culture.

Besides the trading activities between mainland Japan and the eastern coast of Siberia which date back to the s, several types of millet, such as the barnyard grass millet and foxtail millet, have also been cultivated at least since Irimoto 6, The enactment of a law named the Protection Law of the Former Natives Aboriginals in Hokkaido Hokkaido Kyu-Dojin Hogoho by the Meiji government in marked the beginning of full-scale agriculture on land granted by the government. This led to a shift in subsistence activities from hunting, gathering, and fishing to agriculture.

Since the introduction of salmon hatchery enterprises in Hokkaido by the government, salmon fishing in the river has been forbidden. Thus, the subsistence activities of the Ainu in Hokkaido have changed and are now indistinguishable from those of the Japanese. Hokkaido Ainu society was structured into different levels of social groupings including the settlement group, the local group, the shine itokpa group a group of people possessing the same mark of male ancestry , and the river group Watanabe 10 The local group was a territorial unit and was socio-politically integrated.

A local group consisted of one or several settlement groups brought together under a common headman. The local group participated collectively in certain rituals such as the chum salmon ceremony for the first catch.

The shine itokpa group usually consisted of several local groups found next to each other along a shared river. Although the shine itokpa group had neither common leadership nor common territory, its members acted collectively only on the occasion of the bear ceremony, namely the sending-off ritual for the bear cub.

The river group was an aggregation of all the local groups located along a river and appears to have observed collective rituals to prevent catastrophic natural phenomena. The Ainu bonds within these social groupings were strengthened through socio-political affairs and participation in different rituals. It is distinctive that the Ainu in Hokkaido have kept a well-developed oral tradition consisting of songs and stories handed down over the years.

These are exemplified by kamui-yukar epic songs concerning nature deities , oina epic songs which focus largely on the Ainu cultural hero Oinakamui , ainu-yukar epic songs relating to humans , kamui-uwepeker prose stories about deities , and ainu-uwepeker prose stories about humans. These stories and songs provide us with a lot of valuable information on Ainu cosmology: the concept of kamui [ deity or spirit ] and belief in kamui, which is essential to their religion Yamada The Ainu have had an animistic idea in which divinity is recognized in nature most of all.

In the Ainu language, kamui is the most important and common term referring to supernatural beings with spiritual power or divine nature, which can be translated as deity or spirit. It is pointed out that kamui is a general word whose linguistic similarity with the Japanese word kami has often been noted by scholars cf. Kindaichi The names of kamui are mostly compound words which include the terms kamui [ deity ], kur [ man ], or mat [ woman ].

Because the Ainu language is a polysynthetic language that frequently employs the compounding of root morphemes in order to form a single word, the names of kamui also comprise several lexemes. For example, the name Nupurikorkamui consists of three lexemes: the noun form nupuri meaning a mountain, the verb form kor signifying to own or to rule, and the noun form kamui.

The name thus indicates a deity who rules the mountain as a whole. Another name, Apekamui, consists of two lexemes: the noun ape meaning the fire and kamui, signifying a fire deity who is considered to be female. In this paper, Ainu words are transliterated by marking off into lexical units with Japanese translation: for example, Nupurikorkamui as Nupuri-kor-kamui [literally, mountain-to rule-deity ] and Kamuimoshir as Kamui-moshir [literally, deity-world ].

The concept of kamui includes a few kamui who have no incarnation in the real world, but most kamui are embodied in living beings, natural objects, or natural phenomena in the real world. Nupuri-kor-kamui, also referred to as Kim-un-kamui [iterally, mountain-living-deity ], for example, is embodied by the bear. It is characteristic in the Ainu conception of kamui that each kamui has an individual and separate relationship with humans by embodying itself into an animal or a plant Yamada The world of living beings is commonly referred to as Ainu-moshir [literally, human-world ], while the supernatural world where deities or the dead reside is Kamui-moshir.

Ainu Bear Ceremonial The bear ritual has two types. One is the sending-off of the hunted bear, which is performed after bear hunting in the mountains and is called kamui-hopnire [literally, deity-to make going ]. The latter is performed in a village accompanied by the ceremonial killing of a bear cub which was captured alive and raised for one or two years in order to return the bear s soul to his home world.

This bear ceremonial includes a series of rituals involving the very start of the hunt, the preparation for the bear ceremony, and the bear ceremony as a farewell to the bear cub. Aconites were the most important materials for arrow poisons. Bear hunting was carried out generally in the spring and autumn.

In the spring when the mountain snow became hard enough to walk on and the bear cubs had been born in the dens, the Ainu would hunt the bears in their hibernation dens with bow and arrows. As the mountain snow began to melt, the hunters started hunting bears by means of spring bows, which were set on their tracks.

In the autumn, once the bears began to enter hibernation, spring bows were set on the tracks along the small valleys where foods for the bears were plentiful Watanabe Hunting bears in hibernation dens occasionally resulted in hunters finding cubs if the bear was female. When the cubs taken were brought to the village, they were allotted for rearing amongst the members families, or taken on in one lot by the leader s family. The bear cub was kept in a cage and carefully and dearly reared by a housewife as if hosting a deity, generally for about one year from March or April till January or February of the next year Watanabe 74 The rearing of a cub marked the beginning of the bear ceremonial.

Preparation for the Bear Ceremony A sending-off ritual for the bear cub generally took place in January or at latest in February before the spring bear hunting set in. However, some were carried out in late November or mid-december Watanabe 75, When the date was determined, one of the elders, who are generally called ekashi [literally, an old man ], was chosen among the villagers to preside over the entire ritual.

The day before the ceremony is the day intended for preparing the bear cub for the sending-off ritual. Special prayers and libations were offered to the deities in the house as well as those enshrined on the altar for their protection so that the ceremony would be performed successfully.

The Bear Ceremony on the First Day. The Ritual Killing of the Bear Cub The first day of the ceremony is the day when the bear cub was ritually killed. After appeasing the bear cub inside the cage by giving it prayers and libations, the bear was taken out from the cage and brought to the ceremonial open space by leading it with a stick containing a bunch of bamboo grass.

Occasionally the bear was shot with decorated blunt arrows, which they called hepere-ai [ cub arrow ] and it was finally led to a stake driven into the ground, to which the bear was tied securely. Then, the bear was shot in its heart with real bamboo-headed arrows without arrow poison.

While prayers were chanted by the elders to give the soul of the bear cub a chance to rest, the slain bear was dissected outside, near the altar. Men, women, and children engaged in various games including the imitation of the bear, a tug of war, catching scattered walnuts which was considered to bring good luck , and dancing in the open space. The whole carcass was skinned and the bear s blood was put aside in a bowl and later drunk by attendants as divine medicine. After the bear was dissected, its head with the hide still attached was placed facing west at the altar, in front of which the elders sat and offered prayers and libations while drinking the sake that remained after being given to the bear.

During the last part of prayers to the deities, a ritual in memory of the ancestors shinnurappa was held by each family who brewed sake. In principle, a ritual of shinnurappa cannot be the theme of the bear ceremony. However, it is characteristic of the Ainu that they add on such a ritual to the ceremony: they generally perform a shinnurappa ritual on every ritual occasion. The combination of shinnurappa with every ritual occasion indicates an Ainu idea that a ritual is an occasion in which not only deities, but also the deceased that have become kamui, gather together to communicate with the living humans Yamada 61 After this, the bear s head was taken into the village chief s house through the sacred window which is like an entrance through which only deities enter into the house and is located on the innermost wall of a house facing nusasan an altar and placed on the seat of the spirit.

Next comes a grand feast or a drinking party, which was generally held all throughout the night until the morning on the second day. The Ainu believed that the soul of the bear as kamui did not depart for his parents in the world of deities on this night, but rather stayed on the head between his ears conversing with Ape-kamui who invited him, enjoying himself with Ainu prayers, offerings, songs, and dances.

It is considered important for the Ainu to make the bear god feel reluctant to return to his home world. On the Second Day. Sending-off of the Bear Deity The feast continued on the second day, when sharing bear meat, decorating the bear skull, and sending off the bear spirit were performed Irimoto 79 The decoration of the bear skull was an important rite to prepare the bear for his return to Kamui-moshir.

It involved removing the skin, meat, and brain and adorning the bare head with wood shavings. The skull was also decorated with a sword if the bear was male and a necklace if it was female. The decorated skull was placed facing west on the eastern side of the hearth in the house. After the master of the house that had reared the cub had chanted the prayers to send off its spirit, the skull was taken outside through the sacred window and placed facing west on the forked pole erected at the altar, and prayers and libations were offered.

After the farewell prayers, the west-ward-facing forked pole with the bear skull was turned to face east the direction in which Kamui-moshir was located. At the same time, the most beautifully decorated arrow was fired into the eastern sky to purify the path to the world of the deities.

After the spirit had been sent off outside, a drinking party was held inside the house. On the Third Day. A Day for a Small Feast On the third day, a small feast was held at the village chief s house to make the deities aware that the bear ceremonial was successfully concluded, to thank them, and to pray for continued protection in the future. At the same time, millet cakes, fish, soup, and other dishes were served.

Along with singing and dancing, heroic Ainu epics yukar were also narrated. If the master had an ominous dream in the following days and felt that the cub s spirit had not yet returned to his parents, he prayed first to Ape-kamui, and again to the hunting deity to ask her to help the cub return home and to protect him.

It needs to be noted here that Nupuri-kor-kamui is not the game owner in a strict sense, although the Ainu believe that the failure of Nupurikor-kamui s visit signifies a future famine. Nupuri-kor-kamui is not, so to speak, a game owner who sends a bear to human beings, but rather an individual Nupuri-kor-kamui who willingly visits the human world, Ainu-moshir, of his own volition. Importantly, the relation between the two worlds is characterized by its complementary nature.

It is significant for the concept of kamui that, based on the immediately aforementioned complementary reciprocity, kamui would keep contributing to the peace and order of the daily life of the Ainu, including hunting and fishing Yamada 81 It is essential for the Ainu to maintain communication with deities symbolically and practically.

Therefore, Nupuri-kor-kamui, who was welcomed to visit the Ainu village as a cub, needed to be sent back to his world, Kamui-moshir. He needed to be killed by men in order to return to his world. In the Ainu bear ceremonial, the ritual killing of a bear cub is the most essential part of the ceremonial since it evokes the returning of the bear god to his world with gifts.

The bear ceremonial is thus a configuration of ceremonies in which Nupuri-kor-kamui visits the human world, is raised for a while, and is then returned to the world of the deities, which represents the essential part of the Ainu idea on human-kamui relationships. The Ainu Idea on the Relation between Humans and Kamui In order to understand the Ainu ideological background behind hunting the sacred bear, in this section I will examine their ideas on the relation between humans and kamui as depicted in the Ainu oral tradition.

The Ainu considered that Ainu-moshir and Kamui-moshir are not disconnected but rather communicate with each other. This idea was based on a reciprocal and complementary relationship Yamada 10 11, 36 How then is the relation between humans and kamui reasoned to be reciprocal and complementary?

The context of kamui-yukars clearly depicts the Ainu ideology in regard to this relation that is present even today and serves as their guiding principle for daily life. A kamui-yukar of Nupuri-kor-kamui recorded by Kubodera, aptly talks about the Ainu idea on the relation between kamui and human beings Kubodera 67 71; Yamada 79 This kamui-yukar narrates that Nupuri-kor-kamui makes a living in the realm of deities near the top of a sacred mountain with his family in the form of a human being and in the same manner as the human beings who live in Ainu-moshir.

He sometimes feels like visiting Ainu-moshir and pays a visit from Kamui-moshir to Ainu-moshir, bringing a bear hide and meat as a gift that is, taking the form of a bear. Thus, Nupuri-kor-kamui, dressed in a bear hide, visits the world of human beings.

On the way, as he descends to Ainu-moshir, he meets the Aconite Deity and the Pine Resin Deity who convey an invitation message from Ape-kamui, the fire deity. Offering prayers to the bear god. The yukar narrates the very moment of hunting an owl, namely Kotan-kor-kamui, as follows: The small arrow flew beautifully towards me.

So, I stretched out my hand and caught the small arrow. Twirling, I swiftly descended. Here again, it is indicated that a successful hunt is achieved only by the will of the animal being hunted. It further narrates that the hunted Kotan-kor-kamui is well entertained by human beings, returns to Kamui-moshir taking inau and sake as gifts, and there invites other deities to a drinking party.

Again, a prose story about the heartleaf lily Lilium cordatum , whose bulb was the most important of foods, tells how the Creator, Kotan-karkamui [literally, world-creating-deity ] created the heartleaf lily as an edible herb for human beings and that Turep-kamui [literally, the heartleaf lily-deity ] can return to the divine world only after being eaten by humans.

The Heartleaf Lily Goddess visits villages trying to teach human beings to use this bulb as food. Finally, she succeeds in making a person eat ratashikep a kind of stew with the bulb of the heartleaf lily at a house in Urashibetsu village, and says the following in a dream of the villager: Because a person like you with a good mind has eaten my flesh, I can go back to the world of deities.

Kotan-kar-kamui also created the fish in rivers and the deer, bears, and various animals on the mountains. He taught the Ainu how to catch and eat these animals, and then went back to the world of deities. From Kasabuta no Megami [ The scab goddess ], see Kayano 95 96; Yamada As these three stories show, the Ainu believe that kamui live in the form of human beings in their own world Kamui-moshir and that they dress in their specific costumes when they visit the Ainu-moshir.

Plants and animals in this world are regarded as temporary forms of the kamui which are endowed to humans by deities themselves as gifts. Kindaichi [] states that the kamui who came down to Ainu-moshir can return happily to Kamuimoshir only by willingly being eaten and being respected. It also shows that after Nupuri-kor-kamui has been hunted down by Ainu hunters, he is well entertained, leaving a bear hide, and returns back to the world of kamui again after receiving gifts such as inau, sake, and rice cake offerings that he cannot get in his world.

The Ainu explain that Nupuri-kor-kamui visits Ainu-moshir desiring for inau and sake made by humans. Thus, the Ainu consider the relation between humans and kamui to be one of complementary reciprocity. Backed by an idea of a complementary reciprocal relation between humans and kamui, it is considered essential for the Ainu to perform rituals in connection with all forms of sending-off, irrespective of whether they involve animate or inanimate beings.

At every Ainu ritual, prayer offerings to the kamui are performed at nusasan outside the house opposite the sacred window where a cluster of nusas inau tied up to a pole , each symbolizing a kamui, is set up like a fence. It is indispensable for the Ainu to renew nusasan with new nusas and to brew sake at every ritual ceremony, since both were considered the most important and essential offerings to kamui. Since the Ainu consider Ape-kamui to play a mediating role between deities and humans, they always offer prayers first to Ape-kamui residing inside the house to ask her for mediation.

Next, the prayers and sake are offered for each kamui enshrined in nusasan. Thus, each ritual is an occasion to symbolically represent the complementary reciprocal relationship between humans and kamui. Sending-off Rituals and the Bear Ceremonial The sending-off ritual of the Ainu has two types: one for inanimate objects, such as boats or tools, which is called i-wakute [literally, it-to make returning back ] and the other for hunted animals which is generally called i-omante [literally, it-to make going back ].

The most grand and splendid occasions among i-omante rituals are the ceremonies for the bear and for the Blakiston s fish owl. As stated in the introduction, the sending-off ritual for game is one of the common characteristics among northern hunters and gatherers. Moreover, among northern hunters the relation between man and game animals is often described as a game animal sacrificing itself to be hunted, which Henry S.

Sharp describes as an inverted sacrifice among the Chipewyan of north-central Canada Sharp As described in the previous section, the Ainu also have the same idea as the Chipewyan. Although the hunting behavior in itself requires special techniques and procedures, the Ainu consider hunting behavior not simply a technical matter, but rather a means of communication with kamui by receiving its consent. Accordingly, the bear hunt is a means to open communication with kamui.

It is a responsibility for the Ainu to make this communication as good as possible by respecting the kamui and its willingness to be welcomed, entertained, and sent off to Kamui-moshir. The bear ceremonial is one of the rituals that represents the way which enables the Ainu to communicate with kamui in order to gain future successful hunting, gathering, and fishing. Thus, as long as the Ainu observes the right way to respect kamui, they can hunt the sacred bear.

Concluding Remarks I remember an answer, when I asked a Khanty about bear hunting: Why do you hunt the bear even though you worship the bear as spirit? The answer was: We hunt the bear when it appears near the reindeer herd. It is a sign of consent from the bear to be hunted. The Khanty consider the appearance of the bear near their camp to be a most dangerous sign that makes their reindeer disperse. A Khanty gave me a more ecologically reasonable explanation for hunting the sacred bear.

In contrast, although the Ainu also have an ecological reason to hunt the bear, their logic for hunting the bear as kamui is more encompassed by their idea on keeping the complementary and reciprocal relationship between humans and kamui in the context of their animistic world view. Based on their animistic world view, the Ainu regarded each bear individually as the embodiment of a Nupuri-kor-kamui, or simply a Kim-un-kamui in Ainu-moshir.

In other words, each bear represents a bear deity s visit to Ainu-moshir. As stated in previous sections, bear hunting is a point of contact in which the Ainu directly meet with a bear deity. Bears receiving of an invitation from Ape-kamui is conceptualized as bringing the Ainu the success of hunting. Accordingly, the bear hunt is ideally an occasion when the Ainu can receive the consent of the bear god to be hunted in order to return back to his world.

On the basis of this conceptualization, the Ainu can hunt the bear as kamui. Then, the bear ceremonial is needed to assure communication between a bear god and humans that symbolizes the complementary and reciprocal relationship between humans and kamui, which makes the Ainu recall this relationship between humans and nature as well. It should be noted here that the Ainu bear ceremonial has undergone changes over the years.

Responding to the activists claims, Hokkaido local government issued an administrative notification in on the ban of the bear ceremony involving killing the bear cub. Since then, even though the Ainu occasionally perform the bear ceremony, they perform it with an already dead bear.

The very significant meaning of the killing of a bear cub has become lost in contemporary bear festivals. During the cultural revitalization movements in the s, the first salmon ceremony has become positioned as the main target for cultural revitalization. The bear ceremony no more plays a publicly significant role as the symbol of their traditional culture. Glavatskaya, E. Dancing a bear. Correlations between Ecological, Symbolic and Medical Systems, ed.

Bear ceremonialism in the northern hemisphere, American Anthropologist, , pp Hanihara, K. Symposium Ainu. Their origin and cultural formation ], Sapporo: Hokkaido University Press. Irimoto, T. A cultural anthropological analysis of historical data on the Ainu of the Saru River Region.

How the Ainu hunted bears. Anthropology of the North, in Circumpolar Religion and Ecology. An Anthropology of the North, eds. Kayano, S. Kindaichi, K. The concepts behind the Ainu bear festival Kumamatsuri , transl. Sakhalin Amuru Minzokushi [ Sakhalin Amur ethnography ], transl. Matsumoto, Tokyo: Hosei University Press. Kubodera, I.

A study of kamui yukar and oina ], Tokyo: Iwanami. Kuramitsu, H. Mitsuoka, S. Natori, T. Inverted sacrifice, in Circumpolar Religion and Ecology. Articles and Materials, transl. Gilyaki, orochi, goldy, negidal tsy, ainy. Stati i materialy, Khabarovsk: Dalgiz]. Watanabe, H. Hoppo Ryoryomin no Okurigata Shinkogirei to sono Chiikisei [ Sending-off rituals of northern fishermen and hunters and their regional differences ], in Chiiki, Joho, Bunka, ed.

The animal cult of northern hunter-gatherers. Patterns and their ecological implications, in Circumpolar Religion and Ecology. Kakeya, Tokyo: Heibonsha, pp Yamada, T. Yamada, T. Ainu niokeru kamui no ninshiki to sosen saishi [ Ainu idea of deities and their ancestor ritual ], in Reikon wo meguru Nihon no Shinso, eds. Her research covers a wide area including the relation between religion and ecology in the north and shamanism among different peoples.

After the war, their fate was discussed by Finnish officials and in the media. The question was whether they should be returned to the Soviet Union or relocated to Finland. This article describes the five-year-long process to relocate the Skolt Sami to the Inari region. Two wars against the Soviet Union had resulted in a peace process where Finland was forced to cede large areas to its neighbouring state. Nearly half a million Finnish-speaking Karelians had to leave their home regions forever.

The inhabitants of Finnish Lapland were also evacuated from the war zone between the Finns and the retreating Germans, but most of them could later return to their home districts. It was only the populations from the Pechenga and Salla areas that had to be relocated.

In the public debate about their post-war resettlement, the Skolts were placed in a kind of Sami-related victim discourse. Statements such as the swan song of a disappearing people and the village of a va nishing tribe e. Lapin Kansa Sept. As a counterbalance, Finnish civil servants and the administrative system have been criticised for pro crastination as the relocation took three years to complete. They have been suspected of attempts to Fennicise the Skolts when planning the relocation, as well as of having had intentions to send the Skolts back to the Soviet Union in order to get rid of the hot potato Nevakivi ; Lapin Kansa 24 Sept.

Instead of seeing the Skolt Sami as victims of a faceless Finnish bureaucracy, my article tries to show that there was a lively discussion on the Skolt Sami issue after the war, with diverse opinions and positions both among the Finnish participants in the discussion and the Skolt Sami themselves. My article attempts to identify different actors in different positions.

Considering the Sami histories in general, it seems to be a simplification to assume that the only parties to the Sami-Finnish or the minority-majority encounters were the state administrators in the south and the Sami as a united group in the north. Instead, there seems to have been a network of multilevel actors at micro and macro levels and mediators and middlemen in different positions, both on the Sami and the Finnish side see Lehtola 19 Rydving 69 92 , there has been a convention among researchers to present the majority people as actors and agents of the Sami history, while the Sami themselves have been considered passive recipients, if they have been at all recognised.

This is unfortunate, as previous research and public sources have confirmed that the Skolt Sami have been conscious, self-governing actors through the centuries, which is most clearly expressed in historical documents in the Gramota archive on the Skolt rights secured by the Russian czar as early as the seventeenth century. In addition to identifying key persons in the Finnish discussion and administration and their conceptions of, and attitudes to, the Skolt issue, I also try to discern the voice of the Skolt Sami in the contemporary wartime documents and clarify how they experienced the events and whether their opinions were considered at the post-war period; this instead of taking into account later opinions and interviews see Mazzullo This is especially problematic for reasons pointed out by Rydving, for example that no coherent collection of documents of the Sami Village Council s was available until the s, when Matti Sverloff started to archive them more consistently.

They were adapted to form a body of the Finnish administration, the bailiff of Pechenga being the Finnish contact person. Thus, the documents of the Village Council are only sporadically found in the archives of Finnish authorities, to whom the Skolt issue was quite marginal, although they were treated as a united group.

During the wartime years, Skolt affairs were handled by several different ministries and national and regional public servants, before they were finally made the responsibility of the Agricultural Association of Lapland Lehtola Thus, the minutes of the Skolt Sami Village Council have been the most direct contemporary documents to capture the Skolt Sami s intentions in the wartime years. His own voice appears directly in his letters to Karl Nickul, the Finnish secretary of the Society for the Promotion of Sami Culture, a Finnish organisation on Sami issues.

Sverloff and Nickul made an effective team in the Sami-Finnish encounters, with Sverloff influencing inside the Skolt community in issues that Nickul contributed to in the Finnish society Lehtola The fate, and even the tragedy, of the eastern Sami has been that they lived in an economically and politically contested region, which has been an apple of discord among superpowers for centuries Tanner ; Nickul 17 88; Alavuotunki 35 58; Lehtola ; Niemi As Skolt interests were not considered when the Tartu borderline was drawn, the national frontier between the Soviet Union and Finland divided the Skolt land harshly in two.

After the demarcation, Skolts chose their nationality based on which country their traditional family areas were located in. Skolt men were conscripted, and it has been considered possible that, on the Pechenga front in the Winter War, Finnish Skolts were fighting against their own eastern Sami kinsmen serving in the so-called reindeer brigades in the Soviet troops see Lehtola 31, 51, 67 During the Winter War, the Skolt area became an arena of war and some Skolt groups were evacuated as early as then Nickul 3; Nickul 89 When the Lapland War against the Germans started in September , the Skolts lost their reindeer, their dwellings as well as their entire home area.

The armistice between Finland and the Soviet Union required that Finland should expel the Germans within two weeks. That was impossible in practice and meant war with the German army, which was retreating to the north to its stronghold in northern Norway. Although the Lapland War was mostly over by the end of the year, the Germans had mined the whole of Lapland, which made returning impossible throughout the winter.

The inflow of thousands of new inhabitants resulted in constant problems with dwelling conditions and food supplies in the region for information on the evacuation period, see Sverloff Apart from epidemics and failing health among the Skolts, authorities noted that they were in actual distress in Kalajoki: Moving quickly to a completely new and strange nature and all the worries this entailed have led to mental depression, which would be best relieved by providing suitable work, hunting, etc.

The situation was complicated by the fact that the local population viewed the Orthodox people and ruskies, who had lived in semi-nomadic conditions, with suspicion. In an alarming report, an inspector who had returned from a visit to the Skolts stated that it was his impression that they are actually starving underlining by the inspector.

The Skolts themselves, however, were apparently less worried about the situation, because the inspector noted in his official report that: It is disturbing to see starving people being so content. The issue of a small minority population was very marginal in post-war Finland. Karl Nickul, the secretary of the Finnish Society for the Promotion of Sami Culture Lapin Sivistysseura , was the only one who voiced his concerns in Finnish media in order to highlight the problem.

In several letters in national newspapers and in statements to authorities in the winter of , Nickul emphasised that Skolt Sami deserved special attention. Despite their small numbers, Nickul argued, they had occupied almost half of the Pechenga area and they constituted the original population of that area.

Furthermore, they represented a unique way of life, both in Finland and in the whole world. The foremost task for the authorities, according to Nickul, was to settle the Skolt population as an entity and not scatter them among the other Pechenga people. He also emphasised that the most important thing in the Skolt settlement process was the Skolts own opinions. The older Skolt Sami wished to return to the Soviet Union, and their devoted friend, Karl Nickul, openly supported this opinion.

As an ethnologically unique population group, the Skolts had to be returned to their old dwelling places in the Soviet Union, which required an agreement with the Russians. Nevakivi concludes that the proposal was an attempt to get rid of a hot potato, i. Having visited evacuated Skolts on several occasions, Nickul had become convinced that they wanted to return to their home area. In his letters to Nickul, Jaakko Sverloff, trustee of the Skolts, also expressed the elder generation s heartfelt wish to return to their home lakes.

Nickul also knew from recent history that their family areas meant more to Skolts than belonging to a particular state. He knew that the Skolts had chosen their state of residence based solely on the location of their family areas in the Tartu peace treaty: The attitude of the Skolts [ ] does not stem from any politics. To them, it is simply a matter of life s fundament and the traditions of their home area.

They took a stand against moving back to the Soviet Union.

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